War-Time Letters From John Bright

THE CONTRIBUTORS’ CLUB.

THE three following letters, never printed before, were written by Mr. Bright to Mr. Aspinwall, as may be seen, at a very critical period of the civil war. Besides showing Mr. Bright’s real affection for the United States, and, even in the darkest hour, his firm belief that the North would be victorious, they reveal, in the light of later history, a foresight of remarkable correctness.

4 HANOVER ST., June 29, 1863.

MY DEAR MR. ASPINWALL, — I think the debate on “ recognition ” will come on tomorrow night, unless the absence of Lord Palmerston should cause its postponement. I did not hear yesterday whether Lord Palmerston was better or not. You will learn from the papers to-morrow morning, before you sail, if he is in the House this evening. If he is able to attend, I think the debate will take place, as Mr. Roebuck is not likely to withdraw from any position where he can make himself generally mischievous.

From what I heard yesterday, I rather hope the debate will lead to nothing, but my information is not very conclusive.

I hope you will find affairs in a more satisfactory shape when you reach New York. I am anxious about them, as you doubtless are. If the President would make you Minister of War, I think I should have more confidence in the management of the contest. There seems great want of foresight and force at Washington.

I have had great pleasure in making your acquaintance, and wish to thank you for your kind expressions towards me. I may never visit your country, but my sympathy for it and for the cause of freedom can suffer no diminution.

Wishing you heartily a safe and pleasant voyage, I am

Very sincerely your friend,

JOHN BRIGHT.

WM. H. ASPINWALL, ESQ., EDWARDS’ HOTEL.

ROCHDALE, July 31, 1863.

MY DEAR MR. ASPINWALL, — Your note of the 15th has reached me this morning. I have rejoiced to think of all the favorable news that would meet you on your arrival in New York. The riots in that city have been serious, but I hope they will serve to give resolution to the government, and to unite all thoughtful and patriotic people in its behalf. In England, as American newspapers come almost entirely from New York, that city is supposed to represent America, as London represents England, or Paris France, and therefore opinions and acts in New York are taken to indicate the opinions and conduct of the United States. I know how much this is an error, and I hope now that our people may discover it to be so.

If Charleston is captured, then will follow Mobile, and there will only remain Richmond to form Mr. Gladstone’s “nation.” But what after all this ? Have you a policy ? Has the government strength and resolution for the next step, and will it be supported by the nation ?

The Proclamation is an unalterable decree, so far as Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet and the present Congress are concerned. This I take to be fixed and beyond controversy.

No slave State should be restored to its ancient place in the nation until it has so amended its constitution and laws as to place itself in harmony with the Proclamation. Until this is done, it must be held by the military power which has restored it to the Union. If you shrink from this question now, you will have the pro-slavery party in the North again uniting with the South, and the whole policy of the Proclamation may be reversed at the next presidential election. Should this happen, your country will be covered with humiliation and with infamy.

The government and the whole North, acting through Congress, should dispose of this great question in the coming session, so as to leave nothing to accident at the expiration of Mr. Lincoln’s term of office. The war will end only in disgrace if it does not root out the evil of slavery, so that it can never again be an element in your political debates.

If you are strong and successful in this, the whole world will applaud you, and history will tell the story with pleasure and with pride.

The “ recognition ” debate was a ludicrous failure for the “ South ; ” the friends of “ Secesh ” were covered with disgrace. They now admit that their beloved “ new nation ” is a failure, and will never come to the birth, and despondency has taken the place of boasting. The Loan is hardly salable at any price, and is believed to be worth nothing.

With all good wishes for you and for your people in this grand crisis of their fate, I am,

With much respect,

Very sincerely yours,

JOHN BRIGHT.

WM. H. ASPINWALL, ESQ., ROCKWOOD, NEW YORK, U. S. A.

LLANDUDNO, NORTH WALES, October 23, 1863.

MY DEAR MR. ASPINWALL, — Thank you for your note and for the letter from Mr. Chase. It is refreshing to find so much of earnest conviction in any one of the class of statesmen. Mr. Blair seems of a different metal, and I am surprised that the President will allow of such speeches as he makes on the negro question, — so entirely contrary to his own sentiments and the policy he has avowed. Mr. Blair will hardly conciliate the opposition, but he may disappoint and discourage friends of the government.

There is a feeling of relief here among all classes, now that the “ steam rams ” are detained. I am sure the course of the government in this particular meets the views of the whole English people, and I hope it will do something to allay irritation and remove anxiety with you. The policy of a real neutrality is adopted now by almost every public man who speaks in public, and I have no fear that it will be departed from by our government. France, too, will do nothing without England, and there is a growing dislike here of any foreign enterprise which is conducted in partnership with Louis Napoleon.

I hope, therefore, your government will feel itself at liberty to give its whole attention to the rebellion. The South may be tending to exhaustion, as your Kentucky friend believes, but it makes a desperate fight yet ; and the fact that it has driven back your best army under Rosecrans, and keeps your Potomac army in check, is a proof of the astonishing force wielded by the desperate men at the head of the rebellion.

I cannot understand the wisdom of sending 30,000 men to Texas, or the bad management which makes such an expedition a failure. I try to console myself with the belief that all these accidents and delays are necessary to bring the negro out of bondage, and I have faith that all will come out right in the end. You say you “ are making steady advances towards the end of the struggle,” — so it seems from the map, — but so long as the South can keep the great armies in the field the end is not yet.

We have Mr. Beecher in this country ; he has made some noble speeches in defense of his country, and I think has done great good. His speech in London, a few days ago, was grand, and the meeting one likely to have a great effect. Our newspapers are more moderate in tone of late, and as you advance towards your final success we shall see a change of opinion among all those who address the public from the press or the platform.

I am told there is some news this morning, but I have not seen it yet ; we get no telegraphic news at this quiet seaside place. After next week we hope again to be at home at Rochdale.

I am anxious to hear from Chattanooga and from Charleston. It is wonderful how the attention of all England is centred on the news from your country.

With best wishes for your cause, and thanks for your remembrance of me,

I am very truly yours,

JOHN BRIGHT.

WM. H. ASPINWALL, ESQ., ROCKWOOD,

TARRYTOWN, NEW YORK, U. S.