A Diary of the Reconstruction Period

XI. THE RESULTS OF IMPEACHMENT

[The Senate set aside Monday, May 11, as a day of deliberation. Proceedings were secret, but the discussion was too momentous not to leak out.]

Monday, May 11, 1868.
Dixon came in yesterday. Has heard the President intends to resign, if it shall be clearly ascertained that he will be convicted. Told him I gave the rumor no credit, and he said he would not, but that the President once made a remark which the rumor had brought strong to his mind. In an interview with the President on Saturday, he told D[ixon] he wished to know with certainty the result on Monday. ‘Why on Monday,’ said D[ixon] to me, ’unless he has an object in view.’
The afternoon and evening have been exciting. The Senatorial court sat to-day with closed doors, the members expressing and discussing their views on the articles of impeachment. As they made their speeches, respectively, their opinions got outside the doors. Sherman declared himself opposed to the first article, but would vote for the second. In other words the President had the right to remove Stanton, but no right to order another to discharge the duties. Poor Sherman. He thinks the people fools; they know him better than he does them.
Grimes boldly denounced all the articles, and the whole proceeding. Of course he received the indignant censure of all radicals; but Trumbull and Fessenden, who followed later, came in for even more violent denunciation, and more wrathful abuse.
This evening the radicals are greatly crestfallen, and have hardly a hope, while their opponents can scarcely restrain their elated feelings over the probable defeat of an infamous and dastardly conspiracy. A marvellous change has come over both parties. McCulloch came in overjoyed, and wished me to go with him to the President’s. We found he had all the news, but was calm, though gratified. He showed us the notes he had from time to time received through the P. M. and evening.
Groesbeck ² soon came in, said the work was accomplished, but there must be no exulting outbreak. Both he and McCulloch declare there is no question of acquittal. Randall soon joined us, and is even more sanguine, says the vote will stand at least 22 to 32; likely better than that. I would rather see the votes, though I have no cause to question his accuracy. The Senate is in session this evening; and will be, probably, most of the night. A motion has been made to reconsider the ordering the vote to be taken to-morrow, but failed. Still I am apprehensive. The radicals have a majority and are alarmed, for there are some who refuse to be disciplined into doing a wrong act.

Tuesday, May 12, 1868.
The radicals, fearful of the result of the vote which they had ordered should this day be taken on impeachment, have postponed the question until next Saturday. The excuse for this is the illness of Howard, one of their members, who is said to be delirious, — the brain fever. I suppose he is really ill, though many think not. Had it been one of the Senators friendly to the President, there would have been no four days’ postponement,— not even with Howard’s sickness, had they been limited to a two-thirds vote. When AttorneyGeneral Stanbery was taken ill, the leading radicals would not consent to delay a day, although he was the principal counsel of the President.
The postponement did not greatly surprise me. It required only a majority vote, and very likely a still further postponement will take place, if the Senatorial conspirators have not sufficient force to convict. There is little honor, justice, or truth with the impeaching judges. If by any trick or subterfuge they can succeed, the radicals will resort to it, however unprincipled. The President was, I think, more disturbed by the postponement than I have ever seen him, but he soon rallied.
Great consternation prevails among the radical impeachers, who have never permitted themselves to doubt for a moment the conviction of the President whether guilty or not. It was a foregone conclusion, a party decree. Any one who disobeyed was to be denounced. Such men as the late Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, Chandler, are almost frantic. I have long assured McCulloch that Chandler was playing a double game and deceiving him: but McCulloch was incredulous, and retained him long in office.

Thursday, May 14, 1868.
One of the tricks of the whippers-in to influence the doubtful Senators is to send abroad for letters and telegrams favoring and craving impeachment in order to sustain the party; to get members of the House to call on the Senators and urge them to vote to convict, right or wrong; and in every possible way, by extra means, to extort a decision adverse to the President. This monstrous prostitution of the conspirators is acquiesced in by the radicals, who seem to think it proper, so utterly are they demoralized; and men making pretensions to character participate in the abuse, Butler, Stevens, and men like them taking advantage of prejudices and as yet unforgiving hate growing out of the war. They do not attempt to cover up intended villainy. One of the schemes now on foot is to admit the bogus Senators elected under the bogus constitutions, which the carpet-baggers aided by Negroes under military dictation have imposed on the Southern States. Strengthened in numbers by these interlopers, they hope to carry conviction.
How long can a government stand which is in the hands of such profligate and unprincipled wretches?
Grimes is no better. I fear the worst. Still I hope he may recover, and that soon. But he is of a family subject, I am told, to sudden death, and has himself been apprehensive that such might be his fate. It was this, I am informed, which led him to one of the reasons to decline a reëlection. Howard is reported better. Conflicting rumors and opinions prevail in regard to the final result of impeachment. I apprehend but little is known, and nothing with certainty. The doubtful men do not avow themselves, which, I think, is favorable to the President, and the impeachers display distrust and weakness. Still their efforts are unceasing and almost superhuman. But some of the more considerate journals, such as the New York Evening Post, Chicago Tribune, etc., rebuke the violent. The thinking and reflecting portion of the country, even Republicans, show symptoms of revolt against the conspiracy.

Friday, May 15, 1868.
The managers of the impeachment, on the part of the House, have summoned witnesses before them to testify in regard to the views and opinions of the Senators and the President. This wholly illegal and unauthorized inquisition by this presuming and usurping House shows the spirit which prevails, and how personal rights are disregarded. In a very short time, these men, if not checked, would break up the foundations of the government and of the whole social system. Strange that such men should get the ascendency over their associates, but it is by party organization and discipline, through secret caucuses, and the tyranny imposed by the majority rule, sharpened by the angry remnants of the rebellion, which still linger and compel the timid, passive, and obedient, to violate law, constitution, equity, justice, morality, right, and any and all the fundamental principles of government. Abject subserviency!
A few matters of current interest were disposed of in Cabinet. Some conversation on the topic which comes up in every meeting of two or more, viz.: impeachment. The same general confidence was expressed by Seward, McCulloch, and Randall of acquittal whenever a vote shall be taken, but there is doubt whether another postponement will not take place to-morrow. It is a question whether the sick men will be then in attendance. Dr. H[orwitz], his physician, tells me that Grimes will ride up though at some risk, if the vote is to be taken.
I do not yet get from my associates who express themselves so confidently any positive assurance of seven Senators from the Republicans. We can count up pretty surely five, perhaps six, but where and who is the seventh or eighth? Is Anthony, or Sprague, certain for acquittal? Pretty certain, at least on most of the articles. How stands Frelinghuysen? How Van Winkle, and Willey? How is Ross, and how are Corbett and Cole? Not one is vouched for when pruned down, though there seems a general impression that Van Winkle and Fowler may be depended upon.
To me the result looks exceedingly doubtful, although I have an inward faith that Providence will not permit so great a wrong or outrage as conviction to be committed. There is some good sense, some self-respect, some integrity and patriotism remaining among a few — some of the radicals even, as we see by the course pursued by Grimes and others. These Senators are being vilified and denounced with unsparing malignity by leading radical persons, and politicians, who assume to dictate to them what the party demands should be their vote or judgment in this case. For a conscientious discharge of their official duty, and a regard for their oaths, the ablest Senators of long experience are assailed with bitterness, as apostates and renegades, by the Secretary of the Senate Forney through his two papers, and by others.

Saturday, May 16, 1868.
The day had been one of excitement. Such was the outside pressure and such the confidence of the radical majority after many secret meetings and much caucus discipline, that the Senate was brought to a vote on impeachment. There has been constant caucusing daily, and twice a day, by these triers — these judges — since Tuesday. Letters and telegrams have been pouring in, especially to the doubtful and socalled recreant Senators, all prompted from here. Schenck, Chairman of Ways and Means in the House and of the Congressional Radical Committee, has sent off telegrams, — it is reported a hundred, — calling for instructions from the Loyal League to influence the Senatorial judges. Governor Burnside, the weak and feeble general whose silly and incompetent orders at Fredericksburg caused the slaughter of 50,000 men, responded to Schenck, whose telegram was published in R. I., and another [identical] verbatim, in West Virginia. They show beyond doubt that public opinion is manufactured in Washington by the conspirators. The caucusing of radical Senators was held yesterday at Senator Pomeroy’s, called by Theo. Tilton, a whipper-in of impeachment, the first at noon, the other in the evening. At this last, the members became satisfied under the sanguine representations of Tilton they would succeed on the eleventh article, provided that should be put first.
Judge Harris of Albany, who called on me this morning on business, said he met Van Horn, Representative from New York, who informed him the vote on impeachment would be taken today. They could not afford to delay longer. The necessities of the country, and the cause of the party, required immediate action.
At twelve-thirty I went to the President’s. McCulloch was there, and a messenger with a telegram entered as I did. The telegram stated a vote on the eleventh article had been taken, and the President was acquitted. Soon after, Edgar ³ came in with the particulars on that vote, which had been made the test, and on which the radicals considered themselves strongest. It was the sheet-anchor of Stevens.
The Senate was full, so far as the usurpers have permitted, and the vote was 35 to 19. Seven Republicans voted with the Democrats. Ross, who had been less strongly relied upon than some others, voted for acquittal, while Willey voted guilty. This last was quite a disappointment to the President. He had also hoped for Anthony and Sprague, and was not without hope of Corbett and Cole.
Willey, after being badgered and disciplined to decide against his judgment, at a late hour last night agreed to vote for the eleventh article, which was one reason for reversing the order and making it the first. Ross, it is said, had promised he would go for impeachment, basing his action on the first article, which was the basis for the movement. This, however, he did not communicate, but what he said relieved him from further importunity, and the great effort was made upon Willey. Bishop Simpson, the high priest, of the Methodists, and a sectarian politician of great shrewdness and ability, had brought his clerical and church influence to bear upon W[illey] through Harlan, the Methodist elder and organ in the Senate. While Willey’s vote disappointed the Democrats, the vote of Ross disappointed the radicals.
When the result was known, Williams of Oregon, a third-rate lawyer who got into the Senate from that remote State, moved a postponement of further proceedings until the 26th inst. The Chief Justice declared this not in order, but his decision was overruled by the majority, on an appeal taken on motion of Conness, a man of about the capacity of Williams. Rules, orders, regulations are wholly discarded and disregarded by the radical revolutionists. Their getting together in caucus, on a judicial question, is a specimen of radical policy, character, integrity, and sense of duty.

[Seven Republicans voted for acquittal on the crucial article: Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Ross, Trumbull, and Van Winkle.]

Monday, May 18, 1868.
The wrath of the conspirators and their creatures the radicals continues with little abatement, but it has, so far as Senators are concerned, turned most vindictively on Ross, who is their latest disappointment. There is, however, a determination on the part of the leaders to formally expel the recreants from their party, and to do this at their Chicago Convention. But for the great folly here, I should hardly believe such folly there.
As regards the seven Senators themselves, I have doubts. They are intelligent, and, I think, conscientious, but it remains to be seen whether they will have the firmness and moral courage to maintain their position independently through the fiery conflict in the near future. Whatever may be the doings at Chicago, these Senators are marked and spotted men so far as the radicals are concerned. Yet I am inclined to think that some of them flatter themselves they have not lost caste, that they will regain their party standing by being more radical than their party. A shallow delusion, which other men, their equals, have fallen into before them.
Senator Trumbull has made haste to report the bogus constitution of Arkansas with all its enormities, in order to demonstrate his radical fidelity. Dr. Horwitz tells me that in an interview at Grimes’ room with Trumbull, Grimes expressed some concern or made some enquiry in regard to this movement, when T[rumbull] said it was for effect, that the President would let it slide, with a protest, perhaps, and [that] they [who are] now called the apostates would get the inside track on reconstruction, and thus prove themselves the most skilful managers. I asked Dr. H[orwitz] if they deceived themselves by believing the President would in any way assent to such a scheme. He says Trumbull seemed to so consider. These men do not know the President. There are rumors, asserted with great positiveness and apparent sincerity, that when impeachment is disposed of, there is to be a renovation or a reorganization of the Cabinet. It is too late to be productive of any good if attempted, and there is no probability that it will be attempted. Whether the rumor is set afloat by the radicals to take off the sharp edge of their disappointment, or by zealous friends of the President to conciliate the radicals and help over the trial next week, the 26th, I know not; nor is it of any consequence.
I called this evening on Senator Grimes, and felt sad to see him so afflicted, yet gratified to find him so cheerful and his mind so clear and vigorous. It is a great public calamity that he should have been stricken down at this time when his services are so much wanted. A number came in while we were there, too many I thought, among them Fessenden whom I was glad to meet. There is great friendship between him and Grimes. Both of them smart under the attacks which are made upon them, and each tells me he is in daily receipt of atrocious letters. These they wisely cast aside and destroy without reading more than what is sufficient to know their contents. Pike, who came in later, had some talk in defense of impeachment. Said he took a different view from Grimes and others. He was for removing the President without regard to the charge, and for mere political party reasons.
Grimes took from his table a piece of paper and read aloud the oath he had taken as one of the court; said it was not the first time such appeals had been made to him, and asked Pike how he would dispose of that oath. This was a stumper, but Pike undertook to say that he could get along with that. I said that such getting along showed the demoralization which was going on, and which actually pervaded Congress; that if he and his party could succeed in removing the President for mere party considerations regardless of oaths and the Constitution, one of two results must follow, the overthrow of the party, or the government; that the government could not survive such shocks ten years, probably not five. Grimes concurred with me. Pike attempted to whistle away the remarks, but I saw they affected him.

Tuesday, May 19, 1868.
The Senate adjourned over to Thursday, and will then do nothing until their friends get through at Chicago and return, — in other words, not till the 26th inst., when impeachment will be again taken up, for I do not believe the reckless men, the real conspirators, intend to give up the question — though the sensible men of their party wish it. Threats and vengeance are abundant against the seven ‘recreants,’ and thunders are threatened from Chicago; but better counsels will be likely to prevail; not better feeling, for there is intense, and, for the present at least, unforgiving hate by the conspirators towards them.
Our friends in the Cabinet pronounce impeachment dead. I prefer to see the vote. One man would have turned the scale on Saturday. How he will vote on the 26th remains to be seen. It is a thread on which the result hangs.
Ross is abused most. He is to be investigated by the House, or his acts are, and the Senate will submit to the indignity. I have no idea that there has been any corruption as is insinuated and asserted. It is claimed he was pledged, that he has broken his promise, etc. Who tampered with him? Who got his pledge? Who received his promise in advance to give judgment? The enemies of the President who are going to investigate Ross’s conduct. The managers are sitting as a committee to investigate the Senators under authority of the House, and Butler, vile and unscrupulous, is calling men before him and compelling them to disclose their private affairs. Last night he spent several hours at Jay Cooke’s bank, overhauling private accounts. These outrages are tamely submitted to, and are justified and upheld by radical legislators, patriots, and statesmen. Heaven save the mark!

Wednesday, May 20, 1868.
Senator Henderson went before one of the House committees and submitted to impertinent interrogatories, but refused to go before Butler and the Impeachment Managers. Private individuals do not get off so easily. There is a perfect inquisition by Butler and the chief conspirators, when individual rights are stricken down, and the outrage is sanctioned and enforced by this radical Congress. The mass of telegrams sent by the public in confidence has been seized by these Inquisitors. Men are required to tell how they expended their money, what were their pecuniary transactions, and also explain their correspondence. Nothing is private, nothing sacred.

Thursday, May 21, 1868.
The Chicago Convention is the sensation of the day. As Grant is to be nominated President, the scuffle is over the Vice-Presidency. Wade, Colfax, Wilson, Fenton, and Hamlin are the candidates, with little disposition on the part of either to give way to the other. There is not much to be said in favor of either. Wade has become demoralized, and is not the plain, singleminded, honest, unambitious man he was a few years since. His employment as one of the Committee on the Conduct of the War, his association with Stanton who was indifferent and regardless of individual rights, and with Chandler, have blunted the better feelings, affected the habits, and tainted the principles of bluff old Ben Wade.

Friday, May 22, 1868.
In the scuffle at Chicago, little man Colfax ⁴ beat his competitors, and on the fifth ballot was put on the ticket with Grant. There was some manufactured enthusiasm in the Convention, but very little earnest feeling; none for country, but calculations for party. Grant’s name is not magnetic, while Colfax has a feeble and superficial hold on sound and enduring public opinion. The candidates were serenaded this evening, but the attendance was slight. Colfax lives near my house and I could at my window hear his speech.
The Impeachment Managers are prosecuting their inquisitorial enquiries in the basement of the Capitol, and the public are submitting to the outrage with a tameness that is surprising. Outrages are so frequent and enormous, however, that the people look with indifference, and even composure, on new villainies. Reckless and lawless men like Stevens and Butler, clothed with authority, are ready to abuse it and trample down the Constitution, and law, and individual rights. Their party associates do not object, but lend themselves to the proceeding, provided the outrages and abuses are directed toward their political opponents. These things cannot be long continued, but may be submitted to until the grievance becomes intolerable. Strange how a few bad men in [high] position, sustained by party, can damage society, pervert government, and inflict disorder and evil upon a country.

Monday, May 25, 1868.
There is a deep feeling but no noisy excitement on the subject of impeachment. There is caucusing and canvassing among the radical Senators for conviction, but it is not allowable for any two men to converse on the subject of acquittal. Butler, violent, cunning, unscrupulous, devilish, has control of the managers and of the House, and is carrying on an extraordinary game of inquisitorial prosecution and persecution. In view of the action of the Court to-morrow, he made a partial report to-day of broken testimony from several witnesses that the Inquisitors had before them. It made, as intended, something of a sensation, and may, as intended, lead to a further postponement. This seems the present object; but there are some radicals, in the court and out of it, who wish this matter brought to a conclusion, and they may, united to the anti-impeachers, be able to bring on a decision, when the facts and truth, now withheld, may to some extent appear. It is, however, hardly probable, for the party discipline is strong and serenely hostile to truth.
The impression among all parties is that there will be an acquittal.

Tuesday, May 26, 1868.
The radical Senators held a caucus this morning and resolved to postpone further voting on impeachment for four weeks. But all their number did not attend, and no one of the seven ‘recreants’ was invited. The result was, that the extreme radicals could not carry all their friends with them, and after several votes the conclusion was to come to a decision. But here again the indecency and partisanship of the Senatorial impeachers appeared. Williams of Oregon moved to take the vote on the second article instead of the first, and the motion was of course carried. Ross had, on matters of postponement, voted with his party through the morning, but when the test came on the second article, and excitement was high, the attention of Senators, spectators, and all concentrated on him, and he in the hush and stillness that prevailed said, ‘Not guilty.’ A sense of relief to some, and of wrath to others, was perceptible.
It was Cabinet day, and a telegram brought us word promptly of every motion made, and every vote that was taken. We had considered matters pretty secure, when word reached us that Ross was voting with the radicals. This was for a few minutes a damper, but the next telegram announced the vote on the second article to be the same as it was on the eleventh, an acquittal. This was followed by a like vote on the third article, and this by an abandonment of the case, and an adjournment of the court, sine die. The Cabinet were all present with the President when the various votes were announced. His countenance lightened up and showed a pleasant and satisfied smile, but the same calm, quiet composure remained. He had never believed otherwise than in acquittal.
Butler’s report yesterday is printed. It is artful and malicious. Only such testimony or parts of testimony as he and his radical associates choose to disclose is brought out. There is no member not of radical views on the Committee, and the managers can therefore distort, pervert, and falsify to any extent; and Butler and most of the managers are not nice in their means. By seizing the telegraphic despatches, these unscrupulous men have obtained a clue to the transactions of every person who trusted to that means of communication on any subject in those days, and finding many things to them inexplicable, they have formed their own conclusions, often erroneous and mere fallacies. All the despatches which are private and have to them a suspicious appearance and [those] they cannot understand or explain, they charge to impeachment. The lobby-men, claim-agents, gold-gamblers and the whiskey ring, who gather about Congress, like buzzards around carrion, use the telegraph extensively, and the managers have, I doubt not, thrust their noses into the nests of these unclean birds. Not unlikely there were large bets and stock-gambling on the result of the trial, and this flock like others entered into speculation and wagers, and had their feelings and purses enlisted. Some of them may have tried to seduce moneyed fools to make them advances for improper purposes, and some may have used impeachment as a blind to cover other operations. But, neither the President, nor do I believe any one of the seven Senators who refused to go with their party for conviction, gave or received one cent for their vote. No intelligent, honest, candid man, who regarded his oath, would have voted otherwise than these seven Senators. Those Senators who voted for conviction are either partisan knaves, or weak, timid blockheads, the tools of knaves. There is not a man among them who is not conscious that he is guilty of wrong in the vote he has given.

Wednesday, May 27, 1868.
The Chicago nominations create no enthusiasm. Neither Grant nor Colfax has the ability or power to magnetize the people. Grant has lost moral strength by his untruthfulness, and Colfax is very weak and superficial. Stanton has cleared out of the War Department mad, and ‘relinquished’ all to Asst. Adjt. General Townsend. Last August he defied the President and refused, for the public good, to resign when requested, and five months since he crawled back into the Department and has held on to the place under Senatorial sanction, without discharging its duties, or advising or communicating with the President or any member of the administration. He was told to ‘stick,’ and the public business has in consequence been obstructed, the government and country [have] been subjected to great inconvenience and loss, and lo! the result. He goes out without respect, except on the part of ignorant and knavish partisans. His administration of the War Department has been wastefully extravagant and a great affliction to the country.
Stanton has executive ability, energy and bluster. He is imperious to inferiors, and abject to superiors. Wanting in sincerity, given to duplicity, and with a taste for intrigue, he has been deep in the conspiracy and one of the chief instigators of the outrageous proceedings of Congress, a secret opponent of the President’s from the commencement of his administration. A host of puffers and toadies have ministered to his vanity by giving him undue praise, and Seward made himself ridiculous by lauding him as ‘Stanton the Divine,’‘Carnot of the War.’ His administration of the War Department cost the country, unnecessarily, untold millions of money, and the loss of thousands of lives. There was some efficiency, but it was not always well directed.

Thursday, May 28, 1868.
There are strange, but almost positive rumors of resignations by Randall, Seward, and others. I am incredulous, — not prepared to believe them. The nomination of General Schofield to be Secretary of War in place of Stanton removed, which the President sent in some time since, does not get through the Senate. The extremists do not like to say by their votes [that] Stanton [is] removed; he was, when Schofield was nominated, holding the place with their sanction. He has since ‘relinquished’ the office. I asked the President if he thought Schofield reliable. He said it depended on the turn things might take.

Friday, June 5, 1868.
The Senate, in its spite, has rejected the nomination of Mr. Stanbery as Attorney-General. There is in this rejection a factious and partisan exhibition by Senators which all good men must regret to witness. I know not the vote, but am unwilling to believe that some of the better class of radical Senators could have been guilty of so unworthy an act. Yet after the result of the impeachment and the proceedings which took place at the trial I can believe almost anything of that body. It will not surprise me greatly if Trumbull opposed the confirmation, and perhaps others who voted to acquit the President, but I hope not. Some of them, and I think Trumbull in particular, are extremely desirous to reinstate themselves in their party, and therefore in matters of party go with the extremists. It is a mistake, as they will learn.

Wednesday, June 24, 1868.
The President has nominated Mr. Evarts to be Attorney-General. It is doubtful whether he will be confirmed and yet there is no reason why he should not be. I am surprised that the President should nominate him, and surprised that he should accept the office. But the finger of Seward is in this. As a lawyer Mr. E[varts] is at the head of the bar; as a politician he is the opposite of the President. He can, however, accommodate himself very readily to any party and any set of principles, views them much as he does his clients. The Senate might confirm him without question, for he has avowed himself a Radical and opposed to the President’s policy, although he was one of his counsel in the impeachment case.

Wednesday, July 1, 1868.
Much confusion prevails among Democrats relative to a candidate for President. Delegates to the Convention which meets at New York on the 4th, and many who are not delegates, have passed through Washington. Others are now here. The aspect of things does not please me. There has been mismanagement and weakness in New York, and little vigor or right intention anywhere. A personal demonstration, and extremely partisan, too, has been made for Pendleton,⁵ who will probably have the largest vote of any candidate at the commencement, but who will not be allowed to be nominated.
Chase, who is conspicuous as an opponent of the Democrats, as a Negro-suffragist, and until recently as a reconstructionist, is strongly pressed. The New Yorkers appear to have surrendered all principle in a feeble, sprawling anxiety to triumph, and will thereby endanger success. Possibly they have overmanaged in regard to Pendleton, who has been fostered as an auxiliary, merely, to New York.
The President, I perceive, has strong hopes of a nomination. But what he might have made a certainty is, by himself and his course, placed beyond the confines of possibility. He has said nothing to me direct, and I am glad of it, for it would be a subject of extreme embarrassment to me.
[General] Hancock seems a fair man. I know not his mental strength, but have a favorable opinion of it. In many respects he would make a good candidate.

Tuesday, July 7, 1868.
While at the President’s, two telegrams were received from the Convention in New York, stating the result of the ballots to nominate candidate for President. Pendleton leads, as was expected, and the President was next, which was not expected. Most of his votes must have been from the South. The vote of New York was given for Sanford E. Church. This, I told those present, was a blind and meant Seymour.

Thursday, July 9, 1868.
Horatio Seymour and F. P. Blair, Jr., were nominated President and VicePresident at New York. Ohio dropped Pendleton and went unanimously for Seymour. This was followed by other States successively, ending in a unanimous vote. ‘A spontaneous movement,’ say Seymour’s friends, ’unexpected,’ a ‘general recognition of the first statesman in the country,’ etc., with much similar nonsense.
The threatened demonstration for Chase appears to have alarmed the Pendletonians, who dislike him. All worked as New York intended. The friends of Pendleton were unwilling, I judge, that Chase, Hendricks, or any Western man should be selected, lest it might interfere with P[endleton]’s future prospects. We shall know more in a day or two.
I do not consider the nomination a fortunate one for success or for results. Seymour has intellect, but not courage. His partyism predominates over patriotism. His nomination has been effected by duplicity, deceit, cunning management, and sharp scheming. He is a favorite leader of the Marcy school of Democrats in New Vork, if not of the Van B[uren].
A general feeling of disappointment will prevail on the first reception of the nomination, discouraging to Union men, but this will be likely to give way in the exciting election contest to the great questions involved. The radicals will take courage for a moment from the mistakes of the Democrats.
I was at the President’s when the telegram announcing Seymour’s nomination was received. The President was calm and exhibited very little emotion, but I could see he was disturbed and disappointed. He evidently had considerable expectation.
The nomination of Blair with Seymour gives a ticket which is not homogeneous. Blair is bold, resolute, and determined; has sagacity as well as will.

Friday, July 10, 1868.
The President was, I thought, more affected to-day than yesterday, but was quite reticent on the nominations. McCulloch and Browning expressed, and evidently felt great dissatisfaction, — said Seymour was, next Pendleton, the worst selection which could have been made. I said he was not, save in financial matters, preferable to Pendleton. That P[endleton], though a demagogue, had played no double game, or cheated and bamboozled his friends, but Seymour and the New York managers had.

(To be continued.)