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January 1913
A Plea for the Recognition of the Chinese Republic
by Ching Chun Wang
The Chinese millions have given the world the greatest revolution of
modern times in the most civilized manner known to history. We have
emancipated ourselves from the imperial yoke, not by brute force but by
sheer reasoning and unparalleled toleration. Within the amazingly short
period of four months, and without shedding over one hundredth part of the
blood that has been shed in other similar revolutions, we have transformed
our immense country from an empire of four thousand years' standing into a
modern democracy. After having set this new standard of sanity in
revolutions, we have organized ourselves into the newest republic,
following up-to-date patterns. Now we come forward with hands and hearts
open to join the sisterhood of nations, and all we ask is that the world
will permit us to join its company. We are born into the world as a
nation, and we wish to be registered as a part of the world. We ask for
recognition of our Republic because it is an accomplished fact. Neither
our modesty nor our sense of self-respect will ever allow us to make
another request if any party can show us that the Chinese Republic is not
a fact.
The recognition of a new nation by the family of nations should more or
less resemble the announcement or registration of a newly born child. If
the baby is actually born with the functions of a human being, it is the
duty of the family and the court, if that court is worth having, to
acknowledge the fact. So it should be with the recognition of a new
government.
If it is born and bona fide in existence, it is incumbent upon the
civilized nations to acknowledge and admit its birth. Of course, the
family of nations, as the family of some barbarous tribes, can ignore or
even nullify the birth of a newly born; but I feel that we have got beyond
that stage of barbarity. The law of nations, as in the case of the law of
the state, has reached or should reach such a state of perfection that a
being should not only have the right to exist after it is born, but also
the right to be born when it is bone fide conceived. We are thankful that
the United States has taken the initiative from the beginning of our
Revolution in preventing foreign powers from interfering, thus enabling us
to be properly conceived and born; but since we are born we must now ask
for recognition.
Of course there are certain usages to be fulfilled in order to be
recognized. But China has fulfilled these requirements long ago. So many
undeniable evidences exist, and so many indisputable arguments have
already been produced, in respect to international law, that it will be
time wasted to emphasize this point here. Suffice it to say, that facts
and the concurrence of best opinion testify that China deserves
recognition. Indeed, the Chinese people, as well as many others, would be
most happy to know in what respect China has not fulfilled the
requirements to deserve recognition. The only reason we have heard up to
this time is that given by England and Russia, namely, that China must
make a new treaty to give practical independence to Tibet and Mongolia
before she can expect recognition from these two countries. Now let us
ask, how could the making of a new treaty, or the granting of independence
to Tibet and Mongolia, better qualify China as a nation? It seems a pity
that such a retrogressive step should be taken, and that the recognition
of a new government should be made an excuse for fraudulent bargaining.
China to-day is a nation, and the Chinese Republic is a fact. If any
nation or individual thinks that China is not a nation and the Chinese
republic is not a fact, it is their duty to give us the evidence. Or, if
they do not think that the republican form of government is good enough
for recognition, then they must point out that they have something better
in mind. As one of the most potent factors to prevent a nation from
recognizing a new government is the fear of offending, or the desire to
help, the old government, prolonged delay of recognition of the Chinese
Republic may mean that the Powers hope, or fear, that the dissolved Manchu
Dynasty, with all its corruption, will reappear. But we must see that
there is no more dynasty left. Even the Prince Regent and the Dowager
Empress have forsaken it. The Emperor himself has retired into private
life with satisfaction. In short, the monarchy is dead
-absolutely dead. Then they may say that the dead may be raised from the
grave, as in the story of Jesus of old; but they must also remember that
those who were raised by Jesus were good, and not such obnoxious and
decomposed bones as the Manchu Dynasty.
Another reason given in some quarters for withholding recognition of the
Chinese Republic, is that the government of the Republic is called
'provisional.' It is really amusing to see how people, or even statesmen,
sometimes balk at some single word, which has little or no substantial
meaning, sacrificing thereby results of universal benefit. The word
'provisional' was adopted in Nanking really without much consideration. If
anything, it was due to the modesty of our leaders, who thought that,
during the period of transition from imperialism to democracy, to call the
government 'provisional' might be more becoming, if not more expedient. To
illustrate further that the word 'provisional' has no substantial
significance, we may recall that, during this current year, this word has
become so popular that it is indiscriminately prefixed to pretty nearly
everything. Thus, people say 'provisional' theatre, 'provisional'
restaurant, and even 'provisional' enjoyment. What should be considered is
the fact, and not the name. A government, although called 'provisional,'
may be fully deserving of recognition, while another government may be
called substantial, solid, or whatever else you like, and yet far less
deserve the characterization. It certainly seems rather unfortunate that
on account of the modesty of our leaders in adopting the word
'provisional' the deserved recognition should be withheld.
As a Chicago paper said, 'For nearly nine months the republican government
of China has been uncontested. There is not even a "pretender" to the
throne. There is peace and order, broadly speaking, throughout China.' We
ask for recognition, because the other nations have hammered at our doors
and constantly come in contact with us. We would not object to going on
without recognition if the other Powers really wish to sever all relations
with us. In so far as our diplomatic and consular officers in foreign
countries, as well as those officers of foreign nations accredited to us,
are now conducting our international affairs much the same as before, and
also in so far as the nations have to transact business, and are doing it
now with us, just as if we were recognized, we see no reason why the
Powers, especially the United States, which often boasts of being the
mother and champion of republicanism, should refrain from simply declaring
and acknowledging what is a fact. Indeed, after having known how these
Powers endeavored to induce us to admit them, and how eager they
apparently were in forcing China to open her doors, we find it hard to
understand why the same Powers should remain so indifferent, and even turn
a deaf ear to our plea to join their company, when we have at last broken
loose from the obstacles which they hated, and opened up not only our
doors but our hearts as well.
Moreover, an early recognition will help us a good deal to calm the
overcharged suspension of mind, and thus enable the people to forget the
Revolution and to settle down to business. Like the cheering from the
football bleachers or the applause in the gallery, there is perhaps
nothing substantial in the recognition, but it is the only thing that
makes a team put in its last ounce of grit and the actor double his
spirit. After seeing what China has done, we feel that she deserves at
least some such mild sign of appreciation.
An early recognition will also help China in her relations with other
nations. The recognition itself may not mean much, but at this critical
moment, when China has the remaking of herself in hand, and when not every
nation is too glad to see China become strong and peaceful, every little
help means a good deal. Indeed, a little help shown us to-day means a
thousand times the value of the same help if it is shown us in a year to
come. We need help and encouragement. We need help now.
Then the delay of public recognition always casts a baleful influence upon
the minds of all concerned, and hence invariably hinders the progress of a
new nation. Therefore, by delaying recognition, you are not only
refraining from helping us, but you are doing a positive injury to our
cause. History tells us that the refusal of recognition has contributed
its share in bringing about the failure of former revolutions, and has
obstructed progress in China herself. Such delay has since been lamented.
In speaking of the refusal of the Powers to recognize the Tai-ping
Rebellion, which bears no comparison to our Revolution of last year, Dr.
W. A. P. Martin, one of the best American authorities on China, said
several years ago, 'Looking back at this distance of time, with the light
of all subsequent history upon the events, we are still inclined to ask
whether a different policy might not have been better....Had the foreign
Powers promptly recognized the Tai-ping chief on the outbreak of the
second war, might it not have shortened a chapter of horrors that dragged
on for fifteen more years, ending in many other revolts and causing the
loss of fifty millions of human lives....More than once, when the
insurgents were on the verge of success, the prejudice of short-sighted
diplomats decided against them, and an opportunity was lost such as does
not occur once in a thousand years.'
We hope that the nations are not so prejudiced as to think that our
Revolution is even worse than the Tai-ping Rebellion, and we also hope
that the regrettable short
sightedness of the diplomats may not obtain in our case, so that posterity
may not have to lament our loss of the present opportunity, as we lament
the lost opportunity of our forefathers of sixty years ago.
Then again, to give the deserved recognition will be of mutual benefit by
preventing many mutual embarrassments. The recent International Congress
of Commerce at Boston, and the Panama Exposition, are two instances. In
both cases the American people were interested, and, so far as we can see,
the American government also, were anxious to have China participate. In
return, China was glad also to come. But in the absence of that official
recognition, both parties had to go at the matter in the most roundabout
way conceivable, so as to make people believe that the one in inviting the
other, and the other in accepting the invitation, were, at the same time,
having nothing to do with each other.
The round-about red-tape in playing this make-believe is as amusing as it
is troublesome. Therefore, as a citizen of a republic, the writer feels we
had better stop this make-believe and settle down to business. We
sympathize with all nations concerned in their international difficulties,
but we also trust that their difficulties will soon be overcome.
During the past seven months China has rushed through her great drama with
appalling speed and audacity. She has run the hardest Marathon known in
history. After reaching her goal, breathless, she nervously but
confidently looks to the world for the recognition due to every such
runner. She stretches out her hands to America first, because she prefers
to have her best friend be the first in giving her this deserved
encouragement. Now, will America understand the truth? Will America listen
to her plea?
Vol. 111, No. 1, pp. 42–45
